A Bill Becomes a Law: CUB’s Legislative Story

Both during and subsequent to the recent passing of the landmark Clean Electricity and Coal Transition Act, rumors swirled and conjecture often dominated the conversation in the media. But of course, this is nothing new. Let’s be honest: anyone even remotely aware of the goings-on with the current election circus, or coverage of most any major, “news-worthy” event – legislative or otherwise – fully expects this to be the case.

Now, as to whether this is good or bad, or if it spells “the end of quality, hard-hitting journalism” – I most certainly cannot say. But it’s not mine or CUB’s role to opine about such a nuanced and oft-times subjective topic. What I can report on and share with you is the legislative process in Oregon and CUB’s unique role within that process – both historically and, perhaps more importantly now, within the context of the historic Coal Transition Act.

Let’s start from the very beginning.

The Oregon Legislative Assembly is bicameral, consisting of a separate House of Representatives and Senate. This means that 60 members occupy the House and 30 members occupy the Senate, with Representatives serving two-year terms and Senators serving in four-year cycles. Without getting much farther into the procedural weeds, it’s important to note that the Oregon Legislature convenes each year in February. During even-numbered years (e.g. 2016), sessions cannot last beyond 35 days, whereas in odd-numbered years, the limit is 160 days.

For the duration of this most recent “short” session, which ended on March 6, the proverbial heat was on to preempt what would likely have been a drawn-out, rancorous, and expensive ballot-measure brawl between Oregon’s two largest utilities and the Renew Oregon coalition, of which CUB is a proud member. But thanks to determined work on the part of CUB, a broad environmental coalition, and the utilities themselves, the Legislature passed the bill we created together with bi-partisan support. Now let me tell you how:

A proposal to create new law or change existing law is nothing more than a plan. And a plan is nothing more than an idea, or perhaps a set of logically organized ideas. The Clean Electricity and Coal Transition Act started, many months ago, as this: a plan, backed by good ideas. The plan was to remove coal from Oregon’s electric mix and, in so doing, raise the renewable portfolio standard from 25% to 50%, protecting ratepayers from millions of dollars in additional costs to meet both current and future regulatory demands.

Sounds simple, right? Not so much. The legislative process in Oregon, in a nutshell, goes as follows:

• First an individual, or more often a concerned group (in the case of the Coal Transition Act: CUB in close partnership with a coalition of environmental organizations and both PGE and Pacific Power) must set out to present the plan to a Legislator in either chamber. The Legislator must then decide whether he or she wants to sponsor and present the bill.
• The proposed bill is then drafted, assigned a unique number, and returned to the body from which it originated for an initial, or “first” reading. (A reading is just that – a literal reading.)
• Depending on the nature or presumed implications of the legislation, it’s assigned to an appropriate committee; a series of public meetings and work sessions are then held through that committee. (Also during this time, fiscal and/or revenue impacts are assessed which can always gum up the process.)
• Once out of committee, the bill heads back to the appropriate floor with any amendments (changes) for a second reading.
• Before the “house of origin” takes a vote, the bill is read for a third time, and the body debates the proposed measure. And if the bill is passed by a majority, it moves on to the next chamber where the process begins all over again (first reading, committee assignment, second and third readings, vote).
• If the proposed bill is amended in any way, by even one word, the house of origin must approve the changes. If consensus cannot be reached, leaders from each legislative body appoint a special committee to reconcile the differences between the two versions. (Note: this occurs more-or-less every time.)
• Once the identical bill makes its way through both chambers, the Governor has five days to sign. But if the session is already adjourned, the Governor has 30 days to consider.
• The Governor can also allow the bill to become law without her signature or veto it altogether. (A two-thirds majority in both chambers can override a veto.)
• Once signed, the proposed bill becomes an act, e.g. the Clean Electricity and Coal Transition Act.

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